Debate about essential reforms to transform South Africa have emerged at the centre of discussion at Defend our Democracy’s interactive webinar series.

Much has been reviewed and reflected uponabout South Africa's triumphs and shortcomings since the advent of democracy 30 years ago.

Indeed, South Africa has one of the world's most progressive Constitutions, and albeit slower in recent years, a track record of economic growth.

However, what are the critical reforms required to put the country back onto a higher growth trajectory? Journalist and author John Matisonn has sought to unpack this  recently during the nine-part webinar series.

Before delving into the solutions, it is important to note the critique levelled at South Africa’s Cabinet. Matisonn presents an open unvarnished reality about South Africa's stagnation for over two decades, which has been characterised by a sequence of breakdowns in electricity supply, railways, harbour and logistics systems, municipalities, the criminal justice system, and the South African National Defence Force.

To address these breakdowns, various reforms, particularly in the cabinet, are required. According to Matisonn, there should be a single minister in charge of Eskom, energy, electricity, and mining. This avoids the situation in which three ministers must approve and implement a unified energy policy: the Minister of Public Enterprises, the Minister of Electricity, and the Minister of Mineral Resources and Energy.

Furthermore, Cabinet must speak and act in unison, which leads to the practice of joint Cabinet responsibility. The practice should always be one of cooperation, with the President demanding action from the executive branch, and swiftly ensuring that any issues between Cabinet members are successfully resolved.

Cabinet ministers in mature democracies are likely to have spent years in Parliament debating and voting on all aspects of government, giving them extensive knowledge of many fields, as well as practical experience in carrying out their duty to the public.

After all, it is widely acknowledged that parliamentary debates are the foundation of a truly functioning democracy. Without debate and discussion, a democracy is like a body without a soul.

Matisonn says that another reform that should be implemented is in relation to the appointment processes for State Owned Entity (SOE) Boards. He believes that the system should make Boards more accountable and that an appointment should be made based on competency and experience rather than on the desire to reward associates, or being a ‘home for retirement’ for elderly politicians.

Matisonn also argues that regular service delivery protests are inevitable in a democracy; nonetheless, the hugh numbers protests are a sign of constitutional system failure. This does not mean that the Constitution has failed the public, but the ability of the public to effectively hold politicians accountable to the Constitution and their oaths of office, has failed.

To address this, Matisonn contends that the priority of any democratic Constitution should be to ensure that voters have a way to hold their leaders accountable.

Furthermore, Members of Parliament (MPs) are insufficiently responsive; consequently, the fundamentals for any new accountability new system should be that elected politicians are both representative and proportionate. This is often achieved by having more than one MP per constituency or adopting an electoral system that allows for second and third choices. Electoral reform could involve changing the Constitution.

Another reform involves curtailing some of the President's powers, which are Constitutionally handed to him. It is evident that certain powers are excessive, including the President's authority to appoint heads of various organisations, including Chapter 9 bodies, and to authorise Special Investigating Unit (SIU) investigations.

As a result, the President's authority around certain issues needs to be constrained; this is a necessary step toward changing political culture and addressing issues associated with state failure.

All of the proposed reform changes, if implemented, have the potential to bring about true change that voters may demand and make a tangible difference in South Africa's developmental position.

Written by Tshedza Sikhwari, a research intern at Defend our Democracy. The views reflected in this piece do not necessarily reflect the views of Defend our Democracy.