Despite scepticism about the government’s intentions, the meeting shows a shift in President Chapo’s hardline approach to resolving post-election violence.

A surprise meeting between Mozambican President Daniel Chapo and his main political rival, Venâncio Mondlane, took place on Sunday night, 23 March, in Maputo.

Discreetly facilitated by unnamed civil society members, the meeting marked the first in several expected dialogues to address the root causes of political violence that erupted after the 2024 general elections.

Both domestic and international observers criticised the electoral process, finding evidence of widespread irregularities and fraud. Chapo was declared the winner with 65.2% of votes, while Mondlane was runner-up with 24.2%. In the five months following the polls, thousands of Mondlane’s supporters took to the streets protesting against what were regarded as flawed results.

The state responded with violent repression. Over 350 people were reportedly killed by police gunfire, and around 4 000 were detained. Mondlane’s followers were harassed, murdered, and faced politically motivated legal proceedings.

The crackdown escalated into full-blown violence. Mondlane fled the country and went into exile at an undisclosed location. From there, he began broadcasting live messages via Facebook, urging nationwide resistance.

These calls coincided with widespread destruction of public infrastructure, road blockades, attacks on businesses and looting. Government buildings – especially police stations – were torched, as were Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) party offices.

The violence had significant economic repercussions. Referring to the Ministry of Finance’s budget report, 360 Mozambique reported that ‘the Mozambican economy grew by just 1.9 per cent in 2024, far below the 5.5 per cent initially forecast, due to the impact of the post-election demonstrations’.

Speaking live on social media the day after meeting Chapo, Mondlane said the encounter resulted in a mutual commitment to immediately end the unrest. The two agreed that the state would provide medical and psychosocial support to victims of police brutality, compensate the families of those killed, and grant amnesty to the thousands arrested during the protests.

Mondlane said a joint task force comprising government representatives and individuals appointed by him had been established to oversee the implementation of these measures and prepare for further dialogue.

The meeting is a breakthrough, but widespread scepticism remains over the government’s willingness to honour its commitments. The ruling FRELIMO party has long been associated with authoritarianism, particularly in recent decades.

However, by directly engaging with Mondlane, Chapo may be signalling a departure from past approaches – or at least a readiness to confront the crises threatening Mozambique’s stability and regional security. Time will tell whether FRELIMO will abandon its authoritarian trajectory and tackle the governance failures that led to the protests.

Upcoming talks – on a date still to be confirmed – are expected to address more sensitive issues, such as political inclusion for Mondlane and his supporters. Failure to implement the current agreements could prolong instability and escalate violence.

Recent events have shown that excluding Mondlane – who enjoys considerable popular support – only fuels unrest. The government had initially launched talks with opposition groups, but deliberately sidelined him. The outcome – a political stability pact – was signed on 5 March by Chapo and minor political party leaders with limited public backing.

The exclusion proved ineffective. On 18 March, the anniversary of the funeral of Azagaia, a socially engaged rapper, mass protests paralysed the capital, Maputo and neighbouring Matola. Police responded violently, injuring dozens and killing at least two protesters.

The government has tried other authoritarian measures to resolve the crisis, but none has succeeded. The Public Prosecutor’s Office detained several of Mondlane’s associates on politically sensitive charges such as an attempted coup and conspiracy against state security.

Young writer and Mondlane supporter Alex Barga has been in detention since February, along with 11 others, accused of plotting a coup. According to local media, Barga was arrested after editing a book titled A Sociological Perspective on the Charisma of Venâncio Mondlane, whose launch at a Maputo hotel was reportedly blocked by government.

In March, Mondlane’s financial officer Glória Chire was arrested on charges of conspiracy against state security. She was held incommunicado for 48 hours before her detention was legalised by a judge – raising concerns about political interference in the judiciary.

Mondlane himself faces multiple criminal charges linked to the protests. After being questioned by the Public Prosecutor’s Office, he was placed under a restriction order requiring him to notify authorities before changing residence or travelling abroad, effectively limiting his movements.

His supporters have also been victims of kidnappings, targeted killings and enforced disappearances. In January, journalist Arlindo Chissale – a known supporter of the opposition – disappeared in Cabo Delgado. His family believes he was killed on state orders.

In a 24 February statement, Chapo described the pro-democracy protests as one of Mozambique’s major security threats, comparing them to the insurgency in Cabo Delgado. He pledged to ‘shed blood’ to stop the unrest – a statement widely condemned by national and international human rights organisations.

Chapo’s hardline approach reflected FRELIMO’s growing authoritarianism, particularly its suppression of dissent – a trend that intensified under former president Filipe Nyusi. Authorities routinely portray domestic grievances as foreign-driven plots to destabilise the country, using this narrative to justify violent crackdowns on opposition figures.

Rather than resolving the crisis, this strategy fuelled frustration, especially among the country’s large and increasingly disillusioned youth, who remain excluded from the benefits of Mozambique’s resource-driven economy. Despite escalating repression, young people remain defiant, suggesting that instability could persist.

Sunday’s meeting signals a shift in Chapo’s approach to resolving the conflict and should be supported by all stakeholders. This includes national and regional leaders from the Southern African Development Community, who have expressed interest in helping to resolve Mozambique’s post-electoral crisis.

While commitments made during Sunday’s meeting must be honoured, future dialogues should address the root causes of the crisis, including the need for effective electoral reforms. Such reforms are crucial to eliminating fraudulent elections and ensuring that outcomes genuinely reflect the will of the voters.

Written by Borges Nhamirre, Consultant, ISS Pretoria